1898-1906[1]
Originally printed in La Ripresa dell’Ordine, Gli Agostiniani tra 1850-1920, Congresso dell’Istituto Storico Agostiniano, Roma 15-19 ottobre 2012
This paper treats of the arrival of the American Augustinians and the establishment of their first foundation in Havana, Cuba. The time frame 1898-1906 coincides with the work of William Ambrose Jones, OSA, the principal agent of the Province of St. Thomas of Villanova in Cuba, until he was named bishop of Puerto Rico in October 1906. The original aim of the American Augustinian effort was to establish a parish for English speaking persons in Havana. By 1906 Jones had achieved this goal and surpassed it with the foundation of a colegio. These institutions remained stable until Lorenzo Spirali, OSA, arrived as pastor and prior in 1926 and began to expand the work of the province to include other parishes and the eventual establishment of the Catholic University of Havana.
Most of the previous historical publications on Jones have focused on his work as bishop in Puerto Rico[2]. This paper will present some unpublished aspects of the services Jones rendered to the Order in Cuba and attempt to situate them in the context of the political, ecclesiastical and cultural currents of the time. The primary sources employed are limited to the documents found in the archives of the Province of St. Thomas of Villanova and some items from the Archivio Generale Agostiniano [3]. Even though the sources available at the time of writing are not as complete as might be hoped for, they provide enough information to trace the basic outline of the history of these eight years.
1. The Spanish-Cuban-American War and its Aftermath
A subtitle to this piece might well be “Navigating Troubled Waters”, for the beginning of the American Augustinian mission to Havana took place at a time of great upheaval in Cuba at the end of the Spanish-Cuban-American War. During the 19th century, the native Cubans, like the citizens of other Spanish possessions, revolted against Spanish rule at various times but especially in the years 1868-1878. Finally, in February 1895, the Second War of Independence broke out and continued without ceasing despite the Spanish – sometimes harsh – attempts to crush the rebellion with an overwhelming force of 225,000 soldiers. This time Cubans showed their determination to succeed by organizing a Constituent Assembly and an army of 30,000 men[4].
Although the United States had business interests in Cuba because of its proximity to the island, the American government had refrained from supporting the rebels[5]. Since the situation grew more threatening each day, the American consul asked the American government to send a warship to provide protection for Americans in Cuba. The Navy sent the Maine, which suddenly exploded in the harbor of Havana on 15 February 1898 with a loss of 264 lives. This incident aroused suspicions against the Spanish and brought American public opinion to a pitch of fury. On 27 March President McKinley sent an ultimatum to the Spanish government, which made an unsatisfactory counterproposal on 10 April. On 19 April Congress empowered the president to use military force to remove Cuba from Spanish control and on 25 April issued a joint resolution recognizing that a state of war had existed “since the 21st day of April”. While some were in favor of annexation, others were opposed. To reassure the Cubans and others of the American intentions, the United States Congress had added the Teller Amendment, which stated that the United States disclaimed any intention to exercise sovereignty over the island beyond its pacification. The Americans invaded and by 17 July the Spanish fleet had been destroyed and the army in Santiago had surrendered. Various protocols were approved leading to the final treaty, known as the Treaty of Paris, signed on 10 December 1898. The United States Congress ratified the treaty on 6 February 1899. By that month all the Spanish forces had left Cuba[6].
The island was left in a state of collapse and devastation, since both the rebels and the Spanish army had destroyed the sources of revenue in the sugar plantations and other industries. Only 10 percent of the livestock was left alive. Many people were starving and dead animals littered the streets of the cities. The American army took control of the island and began the work of restoration. This was the first attempt of the United States at nation building. The American soldiers, however, were viewed as an army of occupation and resented especially by those Cubans who had been engaged in fighting the Spaniards before the Americans entered the war. The Spanish citizens in Cuba, including many of the clergy, were unhappy about the transfer of power from Spain to Cuba via the United States. For their part, the Americans provided emergency food for the starving population and began to establish the machinery of government[7]. Inevitably conflicts arose because of conflicting mentalities.
2. Preliminaries to the Augustinian Mission
We do not know who first suggested to the American Augustinians that they should undertake the mission to Cuba to fulfill the spiritual needs of English-speaking individuals, both Americans and Cubans[8]. The idea may have come from some Cuban families who had branches in the United States and were known to the Augustinians, or it may have been Jones or the provincial, John Fedigan himself.
At any rate, just a month after the Spanish surrender, Fedigan began the preliminary arrangements. He needed the approval of the Augustinian Prior General, Tomás Rodríguez. But before writing to Rodríguez, Fedigan approached James Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore, who enjoyed a unique preeminence in the American Church and the respect of the American government. The Apostolic Delegate, Sebastian Martinelli, OSA, was not accredited as an Apostolic Nuncio to the government of the United States, but only represented the Holy Father to the American Hierarchy. Fedigan obtained a letter from Gibbons endorsing the project. The letter dated 18 August 1898 and written in Italian was addressed to the prior general. Fedigan must have gone to Baltimore himself to meet with Gibbons, because Gibbons mentions that he learned from Fedigan about the former Augustinian convent in Havana. In the cardinal’s view it would be of benefit to the Order to recover this church with English speaking priests to serve the whole Church in Cuba and to present a more efficacious defense against Protestants. Before the war, the American hierarchy had not generally been in favor of the United States taking over Cuba because they knew Protestants were eager to convert the Cubans[9]. Fedigan added a note to the letter of Gibbons that the Apostolic Delegate Martinelli also favored sending American Augustinians to Cuba. Fedigan then included the Gibbons letter in his own letter of 19 August to the prior general. After referring to the losses to the Order in former Spanish possessions, he wrote that the Americans wanted to help. He considered that Cuba would be a good place for a group of English speaking priests to work. He made a reference to William Jones though without naming him since he had spent some six months in Cuba five years earlier. Fedigan also mentioned the ancient convent of St. Augustine as a suitable site to continue the work of the Order begun in the 17th century. He awaited the prior general’s response[10].
In his response of 8 September 1898 Rodríguez remarked that he had written to Cardinal Gibbons. He approved the idea of sending some religious to establish themselves in Havana and to find out the possibility of recovering the former church and convent for the Order. It was important to send religious of tried virtue. The disturbances of the present moment might cause difficulties, but Rodríguez believed that the obstacles could be overcome. He urged Fedigan to write to the Bishop of Havana in his name and ask him to admit Augustinian religious into the diocese. It would be better still for Fedigan to pay the bishop a personal visit. In a postscript he asked Fedigan to forward his enclosed letter to Gibbons[11].
Having secured the prior general’s approval, Fedigan sent a letter to the Bishop of Havana, Emmanuel Santander y Frutos, to offer the services of the American Augustinians[12]. Fedigan had the letter delivered through Antonio Mendoza, a member of a prominent Cuban family well known to the Augustinians. Mendoza presented the letter to the bishop on 23 October and transmitted the bishop’s response dated 24 October back to Fedigan. In his response Bishop Santander y Frutos welcomed the Augustinians but mentioned the need to secure the approval of the government and the lack of any funds to give the Augustinians. The bishop noted that the old church of St. Augustine had been entrusted to the Franciscans with a part of the old convent. However, a small chapel of the Third Order of St. Augustine adjoining the main building was available for the American Augustinians along with a small house[13].
Fedigan answered the bishop on 11 November 1898 thanking him for the offer of the chapel and house. Fedigan was confident about overcoming the obstacles and had as his only concern that the property be free of debt. He requested faculties for the priests and, in one draft, said that he would obtain permission from the government in Washington to minister to Catholic soldiers stationed in the Havana area unless the bishop objected[14].
In his personal diary Fedigan supplies the following information: “After considerable correspondence, it was agreed in Definitory Meeting, held at Villanova January 3, 1899 to send Father Jones there to settle up the negotiations with the Bishop”[15]. After the decision was made, as a last minute check, Fedigan sent Fathers John Farrell and John McErlain to look over the situation. They left on 8 January 1899 and on 16 January McErlain sent a favorable report to the provincial[16].
3. William Ambrose Jones
Father William Jones was chosen because he had proved to be an excellent religious and had some previous experience of living in Cuba as well as some knowledge of Spanish. Born 21 July 1865 in Cambridge, New York, and a member of the Augustinian Parish of St. Patrick there, he attended Villanova College as an aspirant to the Order. He entered the novitiate on 5 February 1886 and made his first profession on 6 February 1887. After completing his studies and professing solemn vows, Jones was ordained to the priesthood in Philadelphia on 5 March 1890. He first served an assistant at St. Augustine in Philadelphia and then at St. Nicholas in Atlantic City, New Jersey. Because of Jones’s ill health the provincial James D. Waldron took the initiative and sent him to spend time in Cuba from November 1892 to May 1893 on the estate of a wealthy Cuban family, named Muñoz. After returning to parish work Jones translated Tomás Cámera y Castro’s Spanish work into English as the Life of Blessed Alfonso de Orozco, published in Philadelphia in 1895. Transferred to Villanova in January 1896 he served as assistant master of novices as well as a professor in the college. He then became master of novices and subprior of Villanova Monastery. In 1896 he published the first American edition of the Augustinian Mission Manual, a prayer book for the laity. At the chapter of 1898 he was elected as the first definitor of the province[17].
4. First Year in Cuba 1899
Father Jones and Brother George Woolsey set out for Cuba on 25 January 1899 and arrived in Havana late in the evening on 30 January. They disembarked the following day, 31 January, when they were met by Antonio Mendoza. On 1 February, they visited the Bishop Santander y Frutos, who entrusted the Capilla de San Agustín to Jones on 6 February. On that day Jones took possession and offered the first Mass. On Sunday 12 February Jones said the first public Mass with about a hundred persons in the congregation[18].
Jones kept Fedigan informed by sending letters frequently especially during the first year. He also wrote the provincial secretary Thomas Middleton on occasion. During his first year, Jones immediately demonstrated his dedication to his task by trying to find sources of financing in order to make the physical improvements necessary for the chapel and housing, as the province was not in a financial position to send much help. He also sought to obtain canonical rights so that the chapel could function as a parish for English speaking persons. In addition, he endeavored to serve the spiritual needs of the Catholic American soldiers, who were quartered outside of the city.
Resolving financial matters entered very much into the work of Jones throughout his stay in Cuba. Before the war, the Church had been supported by the Spanish crown through a system which involved receiving incomes from various properties. The chapel had been assigned a sum by the diocese, but this money was not available after the American invasion as Bishop Santander had warned the provincial in his reply of 24 October 1898. It would take some time before the Church’s financial situation was stabilized as will be seen below. There were, however, various foundations attached to the chapel and Mendoza was able to collect five hundred dollars annually[19]. With these funds Jones was able to repair both the chapel and the residence. Jones obtained donated services from an American contractor, who supervised the repairs. Jones also established an altar society and received some donations for this purpose from some of his friends in the States[20] .
Jones began to minister to the American soldiers quartered outside the city. He paid special attention to those in the hospital. He estimated that about thirty percent were Catholic, but many were not enthusiastic about the practice of the Faith. In regard to a lecture for St. Patrick’s evening, he wrote ¨I am trying to get the soldiers to attend–who are not too anxious to come to Mass on Sunday¨[21]. Many soldiers behaved badly and aroused hostile feelings among the Cubans by ¨marching intoxicated through working class districts, waving money and shouting that they were looking for prostitutes¨. The Cuban police were unwilling to interfere with the American personnel[22]. Jones asked Fedigan to send another priest to help him in this work and to serve as a backup to keep the chapel open[23].
On 16 September 1898 the Holy See appointed the Archbishop of New Orleans, Placide Louis Chapelle to serve as the special Apostolic Delegate to Cuba and on 28 September 1899 Delegate to the Philippine Islands[24]. Before and during the war, the Holy See had maintained a position of neutrality between Spain and the United States. Chapelle’s appointment represented the Holy See’s acceptance of the de facto situation and its concern for the interests of the Church in the former Spanish possessions. Chapelle was given full power to negotiate the best settlement possible both regarding the finances of the Church and the restructuring of the hierarchy. His work, of course, had to be approved by the Holy See. While he continued as Delegate to Cuba until his death 9 August 1905, Chapelle was considered too favorable to the claims of the friars in the Philippines and was replaced there by Donato Sbarretti on 16 September 1901[25].
The Spanish government had confiscated many buildings belonging to the Church and put them to secular use especially during the years 1837 to 1841. As a result of a concordat between the Holy See and Spain in 1861, the Church in Cuba was paid income on these and other properties. Since this money ceased to be paid when the Americans took over, the bishops asked the United States military government for compensation in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Paris. The question was not finally settled until 1908, but in 1901 the Bishop of Havana and General Leonard Wood, Governor General of Cuba (1899-1902) signed a contract whereby the government purchased the censos or mortgages for $868,657[26]. As it turned out, the Church received more favorable treatment from the American military government than it would have had from a Cuban government[27]. The former convent of St. Augustine had been one of the properties secularized in 1842 and was eligible for compensation[28].
Jones first met Archbishop Chapelle in March 1899. While he was in favor of giving the Augustinians parish rights, Chapelle did not think that the present location of the Augustinians was suited to serve English speaking Catholics. The chapel was too far from the hotels and there were already a number of other religious in the immediate area. The Delegate, however, advised staying in place until something better could be obtained. The question of a more suitable location is repeated several times in Jones’s letters until the settlement was reached in 1902[29].
In a letter to Fedigan of 16 April Jones noted that he had sent a letter to the prior general about taking over the chapel. Rodríguez was gratified by the move and in his reply he said that he would write the provincial about locating some Spanish Augustinians in Havana. Jones was not in favor of the idea because he wanted to preserve the special character of the chapel as the <<distinctive English speaking community of the city>>. It would be better if the Spaniards were to locate elsewhere in Cuba. Jones believed that the Spaniards were good priests and some might be useful, but not at the present moment. ¨We must stand out in Cuba as the Augustinians of the United States¨[30]. Rodríguez had also sent a letter of 29 January 1899 to the bishop through Jones. In his letter the prior general had offered to send more (Spanish) religious. In his response to Rodríguez, the bishop thanked him for the offer but declined to accept the extra religious ¨en las circunstancias actuales¨ [31].
One of the worries that troubled Jones was the possibility of being recalled to his former task as novice master. In several letters, he respectfully resisted the idea and gave many reasons for remaining in Cuba. He was afraid that the whole project would collapse and all his efforts come to nothing. In the end, he was allowed to stay in Havana[32]. Since he was still a definitor, he often referred in his letters to problems within the province and offered encouragement to Fedigan, who was building a new monastery and college building at Villanova.
During the rest of 1899 Jones was kept busy with his parish work and ministry to the soldiers. Bishop Santander suggested that a good work for the Augustinians would be to found a colegio[33]. During the war years, education had practically ceased and illiteracy abounded [34]. Jones did not favor the prospect and was more interested in having a parochial school after the American model[35]. He still needed parochial rights for the chapel. In September he published a thirty-three page pamphlet entitled Memorial of St. Augustine’s Chapel: the Only English Speaking Catholic Church in Havana, Cuba. In this publication Jones presented information about the city of Havana, the Augustinians, the chapel, and other matters of interest[36].
5. Changes in the Church in Cuba
In regard to the Church in Havana, Jones wrote Fedigan in May that outside of the churches conducted by religious, attendance at Sunday Mass was poor. Jones noted that his chapel had more people in attendance on Sundays than any of the diocesan parishes including the cathedral where just thirteen people were present at the solemn services at Easter.
Jones also indicated his unhappiness with the bishop, who had not given any financial help. Unfortunately, though friendly himself, the bishop has <<advisers that fear and hate the Americans and everything American>> [37]. By July it was becoming more apparent that the bishop was contemplating resigning. Jones remarked that people were bitter against his regime rather than the bishop personally. ¨The poor old man has many difficulties before him and around him […] always acting at the insistence of a few who surround him¨. In making this judgment Jones may have been unaware of the decrees of the Holy Office for dioceses in Cuba. According to the special laws the bishop had to seek approval from his canons, the ¨Cabildo Catedralicio¨, more often than would be the case in the United States. ¨Beyond doubt, Jones concluded, he will have to go before anything can be done for the Church in Cuba¨[38].
Meanwhile because of the delay in settling the affairs of the Church conditions were deteriorating. Jones remarked:
The Church alone has not altered her Spanish tendencies to the disgust of the Cubans and of the U.S. officials. The result is that much of the Church property is threatened with confiscation. Also, many of the churches in the country are closed. [There are] many cases in which objectionable priests have been forcibly driven out of the town and others who have been starved out[39].
In fact, Bishop Santander y Frutos resigned on 24 November 1899. The Archbishop of Santiago had already resigned 2 April 1899, and an Augustinian of the Philippine Province, Francisco Valdés Noriega, who had been named bishop of Puerto Rico under Spanish rule in March 1898, declined the appointment in April 1899 to give the Holy See full freedom with the change of government[40]. The Holy See named a Cuban, Francisco de Paula Barnada, Archbishop of Santiago and an American, James Herbert Blenk, S.M., Bishop of Puerto Rico. Both were consecrated by Archbishop Chapelle on 2 July 1899.
6. Second Year in Cuba 1900
Brother George Woolsey, who had accompanied Jones to Cuba, returned to the United States permanently in October 1899.[41] Late in December Fedigan and Father Martin Geraghty traveled to Havana, where Geraghty preached a mission in the chapel. The provincial returned home arriving on 2 January 1900 and Geraghty then came back a few days later[42]. Jones suddenly became ill around this time. Father Alfred Valiquette, who had been appointed to Havana, arrived on 13 January 1900 and found that Jones was in the hospital with yellow fever[43]. Jones remained in the American military hospital until 31 January 1900 when he returned to find the house refurbished by several kind ladies. During his illness Cardinal Gibbons had demonstrated his concern for Jones by sending two cablegrams inquiring about his health [44]. Jones also needed to spend some time out of the city with his friends, the Muñoz family[45]. Jones thought that Valiquette was perfectly suitable. What he did not know was that Valiquette was quite dissatisfied and had problems adjusting to Cuban religious culture[46]. Although he and Jones worked well together, Valiquette returned to the United States in August of that same year[47] .
7. Bishop Sbarretti
After Santander’s resignation, the Holy See chose as the next bishop an Italian, Donato Raffaele Sbarretti, who was appointed 15 January 1900. He was chosen because he had worked with Martinelli in the Apostolic Delegate’s office in Washington, D.C., and was familiar with American ways. He was to serve as bishop until a suitable Cuban could be found. In Cuba, however, there was unrest over the appointment of a foreigner and some concern for his safety. Sbarretti requested Jones to meet him on his arrival. Jones asked the American Captain of the Port, Lucien Young, for help. The captain sent his launch to bring Sbarretti from the boat to the landing much to the amazement of Bishop Santander y Frutos and a welcoming party[48]. During his time as bishop Sbarretti and Jones were on very good terms. Jones noted: ¨he has shown every evidence of good will and desire to aid us. I have had several talks with him and today we agreed that it were best to get the Holy See to confirm our faculties in Havana¨. The bishop also gave Jones authorization to perform marriages[49]. At Sbarretti’s request Jones wrote a letter to him on 22 March 1900 to request the parish rights for English speaking Catholics in Havana[50]. When the bishop presented the petition to his canons, they sent a contrary one and the matter stalled[51]. Meanwhile on 10 July 1900 the Middle Chapter of the Villanova Province at which Jones was present voted to accept ¨the house of St. Augustine at Habana given to the Province in January 1899¨. Jones was also officially named rector of San Agustín [52].
During the rest of 1900 Jones’s letters contain various plans and discussions about the American government making a financial settlement. There was a bad outbreak of yellow fever, but Jones had acquired immunity. By 3 November 1900 Jones began to consider the possibility of opening a day college. Establishing a colegio with three priests would provide good income and would insure that the Augustinians received more consideration when the funds were distributed[53]. On 26 November Jones reported to Fedigan that Sbarretti had written Archbishop Chapelle to promote the Augustinians’ request in Rome. Jones noted that having a second man in Havana would be proof of the intention of the Augustinians to serve in the diocese. The second man could confine his ministry to the more than one thousand Catholic soldiers in the area[54].
8. Third Year in Cuba 1901
The provincial paid a visit to Havana at the end of January and the first weeks of February 1901. He brought with him a newly ordained priest, Patrick E. Moynihan[55]. Moynihan did not know Spanish and had some health problems, but he eventually adjusted and would succeed Jones as pastor[56]. In subsequent letters Jones continued to discuss the possibilities of the settlement. He also began recruiting students for Villanova College[57]. In a letter of 6 April 1901 Jones requested authorization to open an academy for day pupils[58]. Jones planned to renovate the building near the chapel to open a school by September to accommodate sixty pupils. He also asked for permission to visit New York to get school furniture and books[59].
In a letter of 9 June Jones announced that Bishop Sbarretti and General Wood, the American governor in Cuba, had signed a preliminary agreement on the money the Church would receive from the United States Government and gave many details. At the same time, he sounded an ominous note. The prior general would be interested in this matter. ¨It would be a great pity if some other province would come in as a claimant¨. Jones may have heard rumors that the provincial of the Castile Province believed that they had claim to the old monastery[60]. Despite the settlement there would not be much money at the disposal of the bishop before the first of the year. The best way for now was to go ahead with the opening of the school. Jones, who was still on the province council, planned on coming to the council meeting and expected to arrive around the end of June. He was planning to bring students for Villanova College[61].
The ¨private chapter¨, as the province council meeting was known was held on 11 July 1901. Jones’s petition to establish an academy for boys in Havana was approved. Jones was given leave to spend $3,000. The province made a loan of $1,000 to him. The provincial was empowered to effect a settlement of the Order’s claims with Bishop Sbarretti. Any money from this source was to be reserved for the establishment of a new colegio in Havana[62]. On his return Jones published a prospectus of the college announcing the first session to begin 16 September 1901. The school included both grammar and collegiate grades. The language was to be English, but provision would be made for those who were not yet competent in English[63]. On 5 October Jones gave Fedigan a good report of the school, which had sixty-seven pupils. No one under ten was admitted and fifteen students were from fifteen to seventeen years old[64]. The average tuition was at least six dollars a month. Jones asked for more help and on 16 November the provincial sent another Augustinian, Bernard J. O’Donnell to assist with the work of the school[65].
Jones prepared a formal petition to the Holy See for the right to establish a church and convent in Havana[66]. Sbarretti endorsed the petition to the Holy See on 10 October [67]. Sbarretti had already been named titular Archbishop and assigned as the Delegate to the Philippines on 16 September 1901 but apparently continued to function as bishop in Havana until November when he departed for Washington, D.C.[68]. Archbishop Francisco de Paula Barnada of Santiago was named administrator of Havana until a new bishop was chosen.
9. Fourth Year in Cuba 1902
In this year the Cubans had produced a constitution acceptable to the United States. There had been a delay because of the American insistence that the Cubans accept the Platt Amendment approved by Congress on 1 March 1901 and signed by President William McKinley the next day. This amendment limited the sovereignty of Cuba by keeping it under the scrutiny of the United States and allowing the American government ¨to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence¨[69]. While negotiations were in process Jones had noted: ¨Call it what you will, the Americans intend to keep a good hold on the Island¨[70]. The Cuban assembly was reluctant to accept the limitations but finally had to adopt the provisions of the amendment. After Estada Palma was elected president, General Wood delivered a letter from President Theodore Roosevelt to the President and Congress of the Republic of Cuba in a formal ceremony on 20 May 1902. In accord with the letter General Wood announced that the occupation of Cuba by the United States was at an end and transferred the government to Palma[71]. In a letter of 22 May Jones remarked: ¨We are now foreigners in Cuba as you know¨[72].
The school was progressing well as many parents were eager to have their sons learn English. Jones was eager to have more help and asked for Brother John Gillespie who was sent on 10 April[73]. In his May letter, Jones reported that he had spent over $3,000 in repairs and more were needed. The next day, May 23, Jones sent another letter with the proposal of the Krajewski-Pesant Company for improvements with a total cost of $8,100[74]. The first commencement of the colegio in Havana took place on 10 June 1902. The school finished the year with a total of one hundred and seven students[75]. Jones prepared the first of a series of annual catalogues of St. Augustine’s College, which he published in 1902. He listed a faculty of ten professors[76] . On 28 June 1902 the provincial and his council approved the restoration of the house in Havana for $8,100[77].
The Provincial Chapter was held in July 1902 and Martin Geraghty was elected. Fedigan had indicated his unwillingness to serve again. Jones was present at the chapter. The provisions made for the Havana house listed Jones and four others.[78] One of the problems Jones had to deal with was the constant change of personnel. Many friars came and stayed only a year or so.
On 9 October Jones wrote Geraghty that the colegio had 112 pupils. Jones had need of a Spanish speaking priest[79]. In October 1902 the Prior General Tomás Rodríguez and his assistant Vincent Fernandez visited Havana as a part of their visitation of the American Province. Geraghty also visited Havana around the beginning of 1903[80] .
10. Settlement of the Property Issue
Before leaving Havana in November 1901, Bishop Sbarretti made an offer to the Augustinians, Franciscans, and Dominicans to settle their claims for reimbursement for the confiscated properties. This was rejected by the three groups. Then Archbishop Chapelle was instructed by the Holy See to investigate the contention between the diocese, which had received the money given by the United States, and the religious. He began this process in September 1902 with a private meeting between himself and the superiors in which Chapelle asked for a written statement from each of the Orders.
A second meeting took place on 20 September 1902 between the superiors and Monsignor Broderick, who presided in the Delegate’s place. The three superiors consented to a compromise settlement with the provision of ratification by their Superior Generals. In his petition Jones agreed that the chapel used by the Augustinians be given to the Franciscans. He asked that the diocese purchase property known as the ¨Hotel Nacional¨ for the Augustinians. The diocese was also to give $25,000 to adapt this building. The pious foundations of the chapel of San Agustín were to be transferred to the new church. The diocese was also to reimburse the Augustinians $8,000 for the repairs of the chapel. A parish under the Augustinians should be established in connection with the new church of the Order. Meanwhile Chapelle had gone to Rome and submitted the requests of the Orders to a special congregation of cardinals.
When he returned in early January Chapelle informed Jones that in spite of his best efforts both the Dominicans and Augustinians had their requests reduced by the cardinals. Around the middle of January, Jones was summoned to the Bishop’s palace, and in the presence of the Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop Barnada, Monsignor Broderick, and two others the decision was read to him. The Holy See had accepted the transfer of the chapel to the Franciscans, the diocese would not purchase the Hotel Nacional, the pious foundations could be transferred, and only $40,000 was to be given to the Augustinians. Establishing a parish under the Augustinians was approved. Jones refused to accept the decision since the $40,000 was less than the property was worth. When the Delegate reminded him that the decision was final, Jones said it would be preferable to waive all claims and to stay with the capilla. The meeting did not end on a friendly note.
The next day Monsignor Broderick called on Jones to ask if he would accept the parish of El Cristo de Buen Viaje and the $40,000. Jones agreed on condition of the prior general’s approval. On 26 February Monsignor Broderick received a cablegram approving the modified agreement with Jones. Jones was also authorized by the prior general in a cablegram to accept the Delegate’s proposal. Two days later Jones received his appointment as pastor of the parish and the draft for $40,000. He was required to sign a receipt renouncing all claim to the old convent and church of San Agustín with the chapel[81]. Jones took possession of El Cristo on 8 March 1903.
With the money he had received Jones purchased property with a view to erecting a school and house. He wrote Geraghty that the location was excellent, but the old buildings would need extensive repairs[82]. In two other letters from this period Jones explained his plans for repairs and expansion at El Cristo[83]. On 23 March Jones was given permission to purchase a lot for $7,500 and to build a colegio with a mortgage not to exceed $15,000[84]. Jones also asked for more friars to help with the school.
In a letter of 3 February 1903, the prior general wrote to Geraghty that his petition to obtain the degree of Magister for Fathers Jones and Laurence Delurey had been presented to the appropriate Congregation. On 5 March Rodríguez announced that he had been given the faculty to confer the degree, but he needed a document that showed the consensus of the provincial definitory. On 7 April Rodríguez granted the degree delegating Middleton for the ceremony and the imposition of the biretta[85]. This was the highest degree awarded in the Order and the equivalent of a doctorate today. Jones received his degree in ceremony held at Villanova on 23 June 1903 and then went to Ireland with Geraghty and Delurey to confer with the prior general. Afterwards they traveled in Europe and returned to New York on 12 September 1903[86].
11. Further Progress in Cuba 1903-1906
After the European trip, Jones returned to Havana to continue his work in the parish and school. In October he informed Geraghty that the community was still living in the same place as before. The colegio was also continuing at the old site. He expected that the community would be able to move sometime in November. He also referred to the arrival of a Spanish Augustinian, Anselmo Moreno, whom they had met in Spain[87]. On 10 December 1903 Bishop Pedro Gonzalez y Estrada of Havana blessed the new college buildings[88]. The bishop, a native Cuban, had been appointed on 16 September 1903 and ordained 28 October 1903.
The need to have priests who could speak Spanish was growing. Especially after he became pastor of El Cristo, Jones recognized his own deficiency in his command of the language[89]. On 12 May 1904 he wrote to Geraghty about obtaining another priest. Moreno wished to return to Spain. In January an Augustinian from Quito, Ecuador, Martin Blanco Garcia, transferred to the Villanova Province. Jones wanted him to work in the colegio[90]. Blanco Garcia was transferred to Havana but not until June when another man in the community was recalled to the States[91].
In a letter of 5 July 1904, Jones indicated that Chapelle had privately told him that he intended to propose him as candidate for a see in Puerto Rico. The Havana papers published a report that the Apostolic Delegate had proposed Jones as bishop for a new see in Puerto Rico.[92] Later when Chapelle died 9 August 1905, Jones considered that the Delegate’s plans on his behalf were defeated and he ¨accepted it as the will of God¨ as he later told Middleton[93].
After the start of the school year in 1904 Jones reported that there were ninety-nine pupils and on 3 October the province council gave Jones permission for more construction but with a limit of $2,000[94]. The provincial decided to make a visit of Havana, and in company with Father William Greene he traveled there from 28 January to 21 February 1905[95]. In March the province council gave permission to build an annex to the school. The provincial was authorized to negotiate a loan of $20,000 but the Havana convent was responsible for both principal and interest[96]. The new annex was blessed by Bishop Gonzalez y Estrada of Havana on 2 February 1906. A sumptuous dinner at a hotel followed the ceremony[97].
In his report of 6 June 1906 to the province about the parish and school, Jones showed that while there was a debt of $24,600 as a result of building the new wing of the colegio, the school by itself brought in $8,260. The total income and expenditures for parish and school were in balance. There were about 10,000 persons in the parish, 288 baptisms, five people received into the Church, 28 first communions, 69 marriages, and 77 deaths. About 100 children attended instruction on Sunday. The religious community had seven priests, one lay brother, and six hired servants.[98]
The provincial chapter was held at Villanova from 18 to 20 June 1906. Jones attended the chapter, and Geraghty was elected on the first ballot. The appointments for Havana listed eight members of the community, six Americans and 2 from other countries. One new American was sent to replace another transferred out[99].
12. Difficulties between the Villanova Province and the Castile Province
During the nineteenth century religious Orders in Spain underwent many difficulties because of anti-clerical governments. The Augustinian provinces of Castile, Andalusia, Aragon, and the Canaries were completely suppressed in 1835-1837. Only one house, Valladolid, belonging to the Philippine Province, was allowed to continue since it served as the training center for friars destined to serve in the Philippines. Because of the number of applicants, the Philippine Province was allowed to open a second house in the former Premonstratensian monastery of La Vid in 1865[100]. Many of the members of the suppressed Spanish provinces tried to continue their religious life in difficult circumstances. With the restoration of the monarchy of Alfonso XII in December 1877 gradual changes allowed the restoration of the Orders. With the help of the Philippine Province the Spanish Augustinians began the restoration of the Province of Castile. On 20 May 1881 the Sacred Congregation authorized the foundation of the Colegio San Agustín in Calella in the Diocese of Gerona and on 4 November 1881 instituted it as a general house for all Spain. Finally, the province was canonically established on 8 September 1883[101].
The name chosen for the restored province was originally Provincia de España y sus Antillas, but there were many variations in the documents. One of the important considerations had been to obtain the permission of the Spanish government so the name of the Province of the Philippines, which had recognition, was used as a model for the legal name of the province, which was considered newly founded in Spanish law. In a Royal Decree of 11 October 1866, the language used to establish the college at Calella refers to ¨un Colegio de missioneros hermitaños de San Agustín con destino a las Antillas y principalmente a la Isla de Cuba¨[102]. The name continued to be used until 1907 when it was changed back to the original Provincia de Castilla[103].
The Castile Province made several attempts to establish a presence in Cuba. The first was at Santiago in response to an invitation received from the archbishop in 1883 but declined after investigation because of a lack of personnel suitable for the work the archbishop had in mind. In 1895 the provincial José Valentín de Alústiza wrote to the Bishop of Havana, who answered on 2 August 1895 that he would accept religious coming to help him. But the conditions of the war in progress made the provincial decide to defer any further action for the time being[104]. Another exchange of letters between Alústizia and the Bishop of Havana took place in July 1899. The provincial wanted to establish a residence for two or three friars, but the bishop offered a colegio and other missions outside the city[105]. As late as 1905 Alústiza had another plan to establish a small foundation in the diocese of Havana, but it was not realized[106].
Since the Castile Province had not succeeded in establishing a house in Havana, the American Augustinian settlement there naturally caused a certain amount of resentment. This resentment was expressed in the letters of Alústiza to the prior general and the American provincial Martin Geraghty. As the documentation accessible at the time of writing this paper is incomplete, the following is to be seen as a rough outline of the development of the events. More research in Rome and Madrid is needed to fill out the story[107].
Alústiza sent the prior general a letter of 2 August 1902, in which he included a copy of a report from Father Paulino Alvarez. In his letter, dated 15 July, Alvarez described the conditions in Cuba and the situation of the American Augustinians in Havana. Based on this information, Alústiza complained to Rodríguez: ¨No es justo que los Yanquis perciban el fruto de nuestros antepasados¨. To establish the rights of the Castile Province in the Antilles he also included copies of several official documents[108]. In a letter of 16 January 1903 to Geraghty the prior general advised him that the Castile Province wanted half of the money received in Cuba and that the provincial would write him directly[109]. Meanwhile in letter of 26 January 1903 Alústiza urged the prior general to intervene with the Apostolic Delegate and included documents for Rodríguez to present to Chapelle in proof of the rights of the Castile Province in the Antilles[110]. Still another letter from Alústiza written 10 February 1903 to Rodríguez also deals with the Havana matter.
Jones had been informed of the dispute, and in a letter of 5 February 1903, he wrote Geraghty that the arrangements were still not settled and it was too soon to talk about the claims of another province. In reference to the warning from the prior general to Geraghty, Jones thought the problem could be resolved without too much difficulty. ¨We did not brave the past four years in Havana merely to open a place for the other fellows. I reckon on the support of the Apostolic Delegate to sustain us if the question should arise¨[111].
Meanwhile Rodríguez had written to Geraghty on 8 February 1903 setting forth a plan to regain the ancient church and convent of San Agustín and to give the Franciscans, who were in possession, money to establish themselves in another place. He also told Geraghty that the Castile Province did have rights in the Antilles because all the rights of the former provinces–not those, however, of the Philippine Province–were granted to the province when it was restored. The prior general wanted the matter to be resolved between the provinces in a friendly manner.
On 25 February 1903 Alústiza wrote directly to Martin Geraghty, provincial of the Villanova Province, to make his offer of renouncing the rights of the Castile Province in return for $20,000[112]. Geraghty replied to Alústiza on 15 April to deny the claims of the Castile Province without proof of several questions he raised. He also noted that the Apostolic Delegate Chapelle had forbidden diverting the money from Cuba. Geraghty had recently received word from Jones in a letter written on 4 April 1903 in which Jones noted: ¨The letter of the Holy See specially says that the $40,000 is for the Augustinians to build a college
¨[113]. Besides by this time all the money had been spent in Havana. Dissatisfied with Geraghty’s response Alústiza sent a copy of Geraghty’s letter to Rodríguez on 28 April 1903. On 25 May 1903 Alústiza wrote directly to Geraghty answering his objections, but in his reply of 12 June Geraghty again rejected the arguments of Alústiza. The reality was that the Villanova Province was not going to accede directly to Alústiza’s demands. It appears, however, that Alústizia did not stop his efforts as the Villanova provincial chapter of 1906 took up the problem again.
One might speculate that even if the Americans were not in Havana, it was unlikely that the Castile Province would have received any compensation without having an actual foundation in Havana. The money allotted to the religious was taken from the money given to the diocese, which had its own needs. The Orders involved in the settlement were fortunate that Sbarretti had agreed to make a settlement when he was bishop of the diocese.
While the letters deal with rights, another very real, but never expressed, motivation behind the flow of letters and complaints by Alústiza was that the Castile Province was in serious financial difficulty. A review of the provincial chapters from 1901 to 1905 shows that financial matters were under discussion. The chapter of 1905 approved a resolution to ask the Philippine Province for a loan of 90,000 pesetas with low interest. One of the province’s colegios was to serve as a pledge. If the Philippine Province was unable to loan the money, the colegio of Calagurris, was to be mortgaged[114].
Because he had given the initial permission to the Villanova Province to found a house in Havana and encouraged the recovery of the ancient convent, the prior general Rodríguez was caught in the middle of the dispute. He tried several times to have the provinces resolve the problem by mutual consent. In the summer of 1903, Geraghty in company with Jones, and Delurey traveled to Ireland to confer with the prior general. The meeting must have dealt in part with the dispute between the provinces. It appears that a solution for the prior general was worked out. After the provincial returned in September, the definitory voted on 15 October to send $5,000 to the prior general to thank him for helping to recover the goods of the Order in Havana in favor of the Villanova Province. The money was to be sent over a period of three years. The prior general was asked to enjoin the Castile Province to desist from further disputes[115]. In a letter of 16 December 1903, Rodríguez questions the decision of the definitory to give him only half of what he asked for. He requests that the next chapter grant him another $5,000[116]. In the Villanova Province’s financial record, an entry of 28 December 1903 for $2,000 and another of 27 February 1905 for $3,000 were listed as: ¨To the Father General as loan for Cuba¨[117].
In a letter of 28 June 1906 to Middleton, who was to preside at the coming chapter, Rodríguez asked him to propose the question of giving him another $5000. Rodriquez would be content with $10,000 for the needs of the Order and some compensation to the Castile Province for the Cuban affair[118]. But the chapter voted a strong resolution that the Castile Province was not owed anything, and the prior general was asked to free the Villanova Province from any further vexations[119]. Despite the chapter’s stand, on 16 August 1906 the Villanova Province sent Rodríguez a check of $5,000 listed as: ¨To the General for Cuba¨[120].
Rodríguez must have given something to the Castile Province, because the dispute appears to have ended at this point. It should be viewed as an argument over money rather than a quarrel based on nationalities. The American Augustinians had shown good will toward the Spanish friars in the Philippines in the provincial chapter of 1902 when they approved sending a letter to President Theodore Roosevelt in protest of the bad treatment of the friars in the Philippines[121]. Jones and James O’Reilly met with President Roosevelt and presented the letter. Despite his earlier opposition to having Spanish friars, Jones later sought for them to help with the school. Much later when he became bishop of Puerto Rico, he also entrusted several parishes to the Castile Province[122].
13. Jones chosen as Bishop of Puerto Rico
Archbishop Chapelle died on 9 August 1905 and James Herbert Blenk, S.M., who had been Bishop of Puerto Rico since July 1899, was named to succeed him in New Orleans on 20 April 1906. On 15 October 1906 Jones received a registered letter written at Naples on 26 September by the new Apostolic Delegate Giuseppe Aversa. Aversa had received official notice from Cardinal Merry del Val that Pius X had chosen Jones to succeed Bishop Blenk in Puerto Rico[123].
The next day, 16 October, Jones wrote to Geraghty to inform him that he had received the notice. Just five days later in a letter of 21 October Jones complained to Geraghty that a protest against his being named bishop had come from the Order. The objection was based, Jones inferred, on his being needed in Havana. Jones indicated that this was a mistake.
The time has passed (if it were ever present) when my services were essential to our success here in Havana. The college is now so well established that we [are] more than supplied with students. Besides we have good men here who know the situation as I do and who have agreed with my policy.
Jones added that he had not sought anyone’s cooperation to bring about the appointment. He regretted that opposition had come from the Order. He asked the Provincial to write to the superiors in Rome and correct the matter[124]. Six days later, on 27 October Jones told Geraghty that the news had not appeared in the press, but the clergy knew about the appointment from the Delegate. This fact ended the obligation to secrecy. Jones did not want publicity at this time, because he was so busy with work at the college. Jones also found out that Archbishop Blenk had proposed Jones as the only candidate for the see[125]. On 31 October Jones sent two letters. The first was sent to Geraghty, who had written him to explain what had happened. It appears that Geraghty had allowed Middleton to write to Rome without checking the exact wording used by Middleton. Jones was not angry about the matter. In fact, in his other letter of the same day to Middleton, he did not even raise the issue of the objection but thanked Middleton for his congratulations. He added some personal reflections in which he again emphasized that he had not sought the appointment but looked forward to Puerto Rico as ¨a field of hard work for both priests and bishop¨ and hoped that his efforts would be appreciated [126].
On 29 October 1906, the province council authorized a gift of $2,000 to the bishop elect as a testimonial of respect and good will. On 30 November Father Moynihan was elected rector of the community, president of the college, and pastor of El Cristo parish[127]. He would continue there for many years. Jones had indeed done his work well in Havana.
Jones was consecrated bishop at El Cristo in Havana on 24 February 1907 by the Apostolic Delegate Archbishop Giuseppe Aversa with Bishops Gonzales y Estrada of Havana and Torres y Sanz of Cienfuegos as co-consecrators. Archbishop Blenk of New Orleans preached the sermon. A delegation of six American Augustinians, led by the provincial Martin Geraghty, was in attendance[128]. Jones left Cuba on 6 March 1907 and took possession of his diocese on 16 March 1907[129].
Karl A. Gersbach, OSA
Augustinian Institute
Villanova University
[1] In honor of the 60th Anniversary of Ordination to the Priesthood of Bishop John C. McNabb, OSA, First Bishop of Chulucanas, Peru.
[2] The most extensive treatment on Jones is the doctoral dissertation by F.L. McCoy, Bishop William Jones, O.S.A., His background in the United States and Cuba (1865-1906) and His Work in Puerto Rico (1907-1921). The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. 2000. Despite the English title, the work is written in Spanish.
[3] My thanks are due to the archivist, John Sheridan, OSA, and his assistant June Weiland for their assistance in researching the archives of the Villanova Province. The archives have been reorganized with a new reference system so that older references to archive boxes are no longer valid.
[4] See P. Foner, The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of American Imperialism, Vol. 1 1895-1898; Vol. 2 1898-1902, New York and London 1972; for the statistics see I, p. 266. In his introduction pp. vii-xii, the author says that earlier American historians had ignored the vast literature on the war by Cuban and Spanish authors. He incorporates work of many of these authors into his own book.
[5] Foner, ibid., I, p. 42 mentions fears and rumors that Cuba would become a Negro Republic like Haiti; ibid., pp. 270-71: <<an alien and insubordinate people, Roman Catholic in faith, with a large admixture of negro blood>>. American public opinion was much divided on the issue because of commercial interests and other concerns as well.
[6] Foner, ibid., I, chapters 12 and 13.
[7] Foner, ibid., II, chapters 16 and 17.
[8] E.T. Grimes, William Ambrose Jones, O.S.A., in Men of Heart, Vol. 1, Villanova 1983, p. 189: <<The Spanish-American War had just ended and an appeal was made for American clerics to go to Cuba to serve the English speaking community in Havana>>. Grimes gives no source for this statement. The special Apostolic Delegate had not yet been appointed when Fedigan began to act.
[9] On this topic see F.T. Reuter, Catholic Influence on American Colonial Policies, 1898-1904, Austin, Texas, and London 1967 and J. Bilski, The Catholic Church and American Imperialism 1880-1900 in <<Historical Records and Studies: United States Catholic Historical Society>>, 47 (1959), pp. 140-195.
[10] The letter of Cardinal Gibbons and Fedigan’s letter to Rodríguez are found in the Archivio Generale Agostiniano in Rome (henceforth AGA). My thanks are due to the archivist Luis Marín de San Martín, OSA, for his help. On the former convent of the Order in Havana, see J.L. Santiago Acevedo, Convento Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria de la Habana, in Conventos Agustinos. Atti del X Congreso Internacional de Historia de la Orden de San Agustín, Madrid, 20-24 de octubre de 1997, ed. by R. Lazcano, Roma 1998, I, pp. 125-162.
[11] The letter of Rodríguez is found in the Archives of the Province of St. Thomas of Villanova (henceforth VPA) 305.2123 EN 13 English translation and VPA 105.84-08 for the original Spanish. An inquiry at the archives of the Archdiocese of Baltimore failed to locate prior general’s letter to Cardinal Gibbons.
[12] No copy of Fedigan’s letter to the Bishop is available in VPA, but it is clear from references in other letters that it was sent on 17 October 1898 to a prominent lawyer A.G. Mendoza to present to the bishop. See Mendoza’s response in which he mentions the bishop’s reply of 24 October in VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[13] Jones’s translation of the bishop’s letter is found in VPA 305-2123 EN13. The Franciscans had returned to Cuba in 1887 and were authorized by the civil authorities and Bishop Santander y Frutos to take over the former church of the Augustinians along with the part of the convent not used by the government. See J. Bosco Amores Carredano, Los Franciscanos en Cuba: de la restauración a la revolución (1887-1961) in <<Hispania Sacra>>, 58 (2006), pp.759-761.
[14] Fedigan to Bishop Santander, undated draft, VPA 202-06-02 and another draft of 11 November 1898, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[15] Provincial Records by Fedigan 1898-1902, p. 9, VPA 203.06.
[16] Provincial Register Vol. 2 1896 (hereafter Provincial Register II) p. 35, VPA 203.15. Also see McErlain to Fedigan, 16 January 1899, VPA 427.00-01.
[17] McCoy, Jones cit., pp.10-19. See also Grimes, cit., pp.187-189. Waldron’s part in sending Jones to Cuba is acknowledged in a letter of 29 July 1899 from Jones to Waldron, VPA 427-07.
[18] Provincial Register II, p. 35, VPA 203.15. See also Jones to Middleton, 18 February 1899, VPA 427.07-04. A copy of the formal document of 6 February is found in VPA 427.07-02.
[19] On the general situation, see D.L. Lockmiller, The Settlement of the Church Property Question in Cuba in <<The Hispanic American Historical Review>>, 17 (1937), pp. 488-498. On Mendoza’s help see Jones to Fedigan, 14 February 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN13. A list of the foundations is found in VPA 427.07-01 JURIDIC 1901-1902. The total came to 53,750 pesos.
[20] McCoy, Jones cit., p. 43. Jones to Fedigan, 16 April 1899 and 21 May 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[21] Jones to Fedigan, March 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[22] Foner, Spanish-Cuban cit., II, p. 430.
[23] Jones to Fedigan, 14 February 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[24] New Catholic Encyclopedia, New York 1967 sub voce Chapelle.
[25] J.T. Farrell, Background of the 1902 Taft Mission to Rome I in <<The Catholic Historical Review>> 36 (1950), pp. 1-32.
[26] Lockmiller, Settlement cit., pp.488-489.
[27] J.H. Hitchman, Leonard Wood and Cuban Independence 1898-1902, The Hague 1971, pp. 40-41.
[28] See Santiago Acevedo, Convento cit., p.162: ˂ ˂No contamos con documentos que revelen la fecha exacta de la supresión del convento e iglesia San Agustín>>. Jones, however, gives a date of April 1842 in a brief history of the Augustinians in Havana contained in his First Annual Catalogue of St. Augustine’s College, Havana 1902, pp. 4-5, VPA (NSD 028). In a letter to Fedigan of 29 August 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13, Jones says that he found information in a old guide book that the former monastery was used as a <<school of painting and design>>.
[29] E.g. Jones to Fedigan, a second letter of March 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[30] Jones to Fedigan, 16 April 1899, VPA 305-2123 EN13.
[31] Bishop Santander y Frutos to Tomás Rodríguez, 18 April 1899, found in AGA
[32] See McCoy, Jones cit., pp. 44-47. The first mention occurs in Jones’s letter to Fedigan 20 April 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN13. `
[33] Jones to Fedigan, 15 June 1899 and 20 August 1899, VPA 305-2123 EN13. Many times in this paper the Spanish term colegio is preferred to the English word college even though Jones used the English word in his correspondence. In the 19th century United States, college often meant a school of secondary education rather than a school where university level courses were taught. Today in the United States the term usually refers to the second kind of school.
[34] See Foner, Spanish-Cuban, II, pp. 459-460. <<Before the war, only 33,000 had been enrolled [in public schools] and by the time the Spanish left there were no longer any high schools, nor a school house, nor any significant school attendance>>.
[35] Jones to Fedigan, 15 June 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[36] VPA 427.00-03.
[37] Jones to Fedigan, 21 May 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN 13.
[38] Jones to Middleton, 7 July 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN13: on the canons see McCoy, Jones cit., p. 23 and p. 62. See also Jones to Fedigan, 16 March 1900, VPA 202.06-02
[39] Jones to Fedigan, 26 October 1899, VPA 305.2123 EN13.
[40] On Valdés, see P. Sahelices, Los Agustinos en Puerto Rico (1896-1996)2ed, Madrid 2001, pp. 57-58.
[41] Provincial Register II, p. 42.
[42] Provincial Register II, p. 43, VPA 203.15.
[43] Valiquette to Fedigan, 13 January 1900, VPA 202.06-02.
[44] Jones to Fedigan, 31 January 1900, VPA 202.06-02.
[45] Valiquette to Fedigan, 2 February 1900, VPA 202.06-02
[46] Jones to Fedigan, 31 January 1900, VPA 202.06-02; Valiquette to Fedigan, ibid.
[47] Provincial Register II, p. 51, VPA 203.15.
[48] Jones to Fedigan, 25 February 1900 in McCoy, Jones cit., pp 70-71.
[49] Jones to Fedigan, 16 March 1900, VPA 202.06-02.
[50] Jones to Sbarretti, 22 March 1900, VPA 202.06-02.
[51] Jones to Fedigan, 13 November 1900, VPA 202-06-02.
[52] Provincial Register II, p. 47, VPA 203.15.
[53] Jones to Fedigan, 3 November 1900, VPA 202-06-02.
[54] Jones to Fedigan, 26 November 1900, VPA 202-06-02.
[55] Provincial Register II, p 62, VPA 203.15, and Jones to Fedigan, 18 February 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[56] Jones to Fedigan, 5 March 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[57] Jones to Fedigan, 23 April and May 1901, VPA, 202-06-02.
[58] Jones to Fedigan, 6 April 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[59] Jones to Fedigan, 14 May 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[60] Jones to Fedigan, 9 June 1901, VAP 202-06-02.
[61] This plan may have changed as Moynihan brought six students on 5 August. See Provincial Register II, p. 66, VPA 203.15.
[62] Ibid., p. 64.
[63] Prospectus of St. Augustine’s College, VPA (NSD 028).
[64] Jones to Fedigan, 5 October 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[65] Provincial Register II, p. 67, VPA 203.15.
[66] Jones to Fedigan, 5 October 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[67] A copy of the petition is found in VPA 427-07-02.
[68] Jones to Fedigan, 30 October 1901, VPA 202-06-02
[69] Foner, Spanish-Cuban cit., II, pp. 574-582.
[70] Jones to Fedigan, 5 March 1901, VPA 202-06-02.
[71] Foner, Spanish Cuban cit., II, pp. 666-667.
[72] Jones to Fedigan, 22 May 1902, VPA 202-06-02.
[73] Jones to Fedigan, 27 March 1902, VPA 202-06-02. Transfer of Brother John in Provincial Register II, p. 68, VPA 203.15.
[74] Jones to Fedigan, 23 May 1902 with letter from company, VPA 427.00.01.
[75] Provincial Register II, p. 70, VPA 203.15.
[76] First Annual Catalogue of St. Augustine’s College 1901-1902, VPA (NSD 028).
[77] Ibid., p.71.
[78] Ibid., p. 81.
[79] Jones to Geraghty, 9 October 1902, VPA 427.07-03.
[80] Jones to Geraghty, 5 February 1903, VPA 427.00.01.
[81] The above summary is found in Jones to Middleton, 4 June 1903, VPA 427.00.01. Two copies of a 1905 notarized report of the negotiations and agreements are found in VAP 209.13-01 and VPA 427.05. Jones had written a brief letter to Geraghty to inform him of the situation on 5 February to 1903, VPA 427.00.01. Another letter to Middleton around the end of February announced that the Holy See had approved the plan.
[82] Jones to Geraghty, 9 March 1903, VPA 427.00.01.
[83] Jones to Geraghty, 13 March and April 4, 1903, both in VPA 427.00.01.
[84] Provincial Register, II, p. 96, VPA 203.15.
[85] Rodríguez to Geraghty, 3 February 1903, 5 March 1903, 7 April 1903, all in VPA 105.84-08.
[86] Provincial Register II, p. 104-108, VPA 203.15.
[87] Jones to Geraghty, 20 October 1903, VPA 427-07-03.
[88] Provincial Register II, p.113, VPA 203.15.
[89] Jones to Rodríguez 14 May 1903 cited by McCoy, Jones cit., p. 104.
[90] Jones to Geraghty, 12 May 10 1904, VPA 427.07-03.
[91] Provincial Register II, p. 119, VPA 203.15.
[92] Provincial Register II, p. 123 mentions Jones´s letter of 5 July 1904 on his conversation with Chapelle.
[93] Jones to Middleton, 31 October 1906, VPA 427.00.01.
[94] Provincial Register II, p. 128.
[95] Ibid., p. 133.
[96] Ibid., p. 134.
[97] Jones to Geraghty 3 February 1906, VPA 427.07-03.
[98] Yearly Report of the Augustinian Convent of St. Augustine at Havana, Cuba (31 May 1906), VPA 427.07-11 Financial Reports 1899-1919.
[99] Provincial Register II, p. 159 and p. 166.
[100] J. GAVIGAN, The Augustinians from the French Revolution to Modern Times, Villanova 1989, pp. 91-99. See also three articles by Juan José Vallejo Penedo, Ricardo Paniagua Miguel, and Carlos Alonso Vañes in Le sopprssioni del secolo XIX e l’ordine agostiniano: Congresso dell’Instituto Storico Agostiniano, Roma 19-23 ottobre 2009, ed. by Luis Marín de San Martín, Rome 2010, pp. 233-307.
[101] Provincia de Castilla, Orden de San Agustín: Actas Capitulares (1895-1999), ed. by R. Lazcano, Madrid 2000, pp. xxii-xxx. Also I. de Viuda Díez, Restauración de la Provincia de Castilla in <<Revista Agustiniana>> CXXV Anniversario 1881-2006, Días 9 y 10 de julío de 2007, Complejo Fr. Luis de León (Guadarrama), 48 (2007) n. 147, pp. 545-592.
[102] Sahelices, Los Agustinos en Puerto Rico cit., p. 29: <<Hay que recordar que el Governo no permitía restauración alguna, creo que, porque de hacerlo, se vería obligado a devolver los bienes expropriados>>.
[103] Sahelices, ibid, pp. 25-28.
[104] Sahelices, ibid., pp. 29-32.
[105]Lazcano, Provincia de Castilla cit., p. ccx.
[106] Ibid.
[107] A statement of St. Augustine De Trin. 1.3.5. seems appropriate here: “Proinde quisquis haec legit ubi partier certus est, pergat mecum; ubi errorem suum cognoscit, redeat ad me; ubi mecum, revocet me, ita ingrediamur ssimul caritatis viam”.
[108] This letter of Alústiza to Rodríguez along with those mentioned below is found in AGA. Alústiza’s hand is difficult to read and I am grateful to Jorge Reyes, OSA, for his help in this matter.
[109] Rodríguez to Geraghty 16 January 1902, VPA 105.84-08. All of the other letters of 1903 from Rodríguez to Geraghty mentioned below are found in the same location.
[110] Sahelices, Los Agustinos en Puerto Rico cit., p. 28 cites a passage of this letter.
[111] Jones to Geraghty 5 February 1903, VPA 427.00.01
[112] Of the four letters that form the correspondence between the two provincials, only a summary of the contents was available except for Geraghty’s reply of April 15, a copy of which is found in AGA. The summary probably made by Middleton, is found in VPA 202.06-02.
[113] Jones to Geraghty, 4 April 1903, VPA 427.00.01.
[114] Lazcano, Provincia de Castilla cit., pp.13-22. See also Sahelices, Los Agustinos en Puerto Rico cit., pp. 369-372.
[115] Provincial Register II, p. 110, VPA 203.15.
[116] Rodríguez to Geraghty, 16 December 1903, VPA 105-84-08.
[117] Financial Accounts for Fr. Geraghty 1902-1918, p. 9 and p.21, VPA 203.15.
[118] Rodríguez to Middleton, 28 June 1906, VPA 105-84-09.
[119] Province Register II, p. 162, VPA 203.15.
[120] Financial Accounts for Fr. Geraghty 1902-1918, p. 37, VPA 203.15.
[121] Province Register II, p. 78.
[122] See the favorable treatment of Jones in Sahelices, Los Agustinos en Puerto Rico cit,. pp. 58-79.
[123] Jones to Middleton, 31 October 1906, VPA 427.00.01.
[124] Jones to Geraghty, 21 October, 1906, VPA 427.07.03.
[125] Jones to Geraghty, 27 October 1906, ibid.
[126] Jones to Geraghty, 31 October 1906 and to Middleton same day, both found in VPA 427.00.01.
[127] Province Register, pp. 170 and 171, VPA 203.15.
[128] Grimes, cit., p. 194.
[129] McCoy, Jones cit., p.137, note 69.
